It’s Good That Trump’s Trials Are Delayed
It’s Good That Trump’s Trials Are Delayed
Why Democrats should be happy that the legal system won’t save them
Last August, TNR’s Matt Ford took a look a year ahead, saw that former President Donald Trump would be competing in a Republican primary while serving as a semiprofessional defendant in no less than four trials, and declared that it was destined to "get pretty weird along the way." A healthy dose of weirdness has, truly, been delivered. Trump now owes something in the vicinity of $500 million in legal fines, bringing us closer to the answer of an age-old question: "Does Donald Trump have $500 million?" The certainty of this burden, and the evident frustrations of the former president as he seeks out a sucker to take his bond, have stuck him in the teeth of a pay-up-or-shut-up deadline, one that may well unmoor him. I don’t think Trump minds being thought of as corrupt even one bit—but he hates being thought of as broke.
But to liberals’ considerable consternation, Trump is in a strong position both electorally and legally. While he owes E. Jean Carroll and the state of New York some mountains of money, he’s catching a lot of breaks elsewhere in the legal system, notably in the form of procedural delays that threaten to push his various criminal trials much later in the year and potentially past Election Day. For those who have been eyeing polls suggesting that President Joe Biden would benefit if Trump caught a conviction, each delay has been greeted as a damaging wound to Democrats’ hopes. But there may be an upside: Democrats will stop waiting for someone else to save them.
The Trump era revealed a certain myopia among Democratic elites, who reacted to Trump’s election as if it were an aberration, a foreign object injected into the bloodstream of the body politic—one that our democracy’s immune system would surely recognize and destroy quickly. And so liberals yassified Robert Mueller without regard for how difficult the task of convicting a sitting president of crimes truly was. They threw their back into impeachment proceedings without regard for the fact that Republican senators do, in fact, exist. Now, I fear, too many have put their hopes on Jack Smith—the dark, gritty Robert Mueller reboot who will finally finish the job.
But with the Supreme Court’s decision to take up Trump’s presidential immunity case—and back-burnering it until April—it’s an open question as to when Smith will even get started on his January 6 insurrection case. Most observers believe there is no way to wrap things up by November. So be it. There is no deus ex machina coming to save Democrats, no miracle cure for Trump. But rather than lapse into another long sorrow session, Democrats should be glad to be unburdened of the colossal expectations that the judicial system would save them, and get up off the fainting couch to mount the nimble and powerful campaign that our democracy deserves.
It begins with an attitude adjustment: Instead of being despondent that Trump can’t be convicted by Election Day, be damned glad that he won’t be acquitted before America casts its votes. Because Trump getting off scot-free was always a possible outcome. What was the plan, exactly, if those hoped-for judicial punishments ended up being a series of exonerations for Trump to crow about?
The good news is that Democrats don’t actually need courts to hand down a bunch of verdicts to make hay out of Trump’s legal woes. Everything that Trump is standing trial for remains a live issue, and in the absence of breaking news stories about the latest courtroom blowup or legal setback, Democrats have a free hand to feed the media beast with derogatory information related to these trials (the insurrection, the attempted Georgia election coup, his rampant fraud, the stolen documents), as well as other scandals (the foreign money he’s pocketed, his role in Roe’s demise, his plans to transform the civil service into an instrument of personal retribution).
As Brian Beutler notes in a recent edition of Off Message, there are plenty of creative ways "for Democrats to draw attention to Trump’s corruption even if he’s able to delay official legal proceedings." They just need to break with some old habits:
Democrats put serene faith in the power of paid advertising to convey information like this, so much so that they devote almost no strategic thought into generating free media around these disqualifying liabilities. Meanwhile, everything Trump’s doing can be viewed as an effort to dodge the free-media penalty of being a criminal, a rapist, and a fraud.
Democrats really can’t afford to lapse into thinking that the media, the scales finally loosed from its eyes, will eventually notice the merits of their case and come out in support of it. They have to recognize that the political press prefers to be met on the proverbial low road, and get over the crass implications of participating in a politics that’s less high-minded.
Into the vacant space left by delayed trial proceedings, Democrats need to tell the story of how Trump came to be so entangled in the first place, reminding people that this man paid hush money to an adult film star with whom he was having an affair, illegally took classified documents and stored them at Mar-a-Lago as if they were spare toilet paper (then lied about it and obstructed justice), also lied about his net worth to defraud others of countless millions, led a "criminal racketeering enterprise" to overturn the 2020 election result in Georgia, and of course directed a mob of thousands to attack the Capitol. And above all, they must remind voters that Trump is seeking the presidency precisely because he wants to dodge responsibility for all of these crimes. This is the bumper sticker: Joe Biden is running for office; Donald Trump is running from the law.
—Jason Linkins, deputy editor
Politics Must-Reads
This week, Tim Noah went deep into Trump’s biggest legal ordeal—the hefty legal fines that are soon to come due and the possibility they may bankrupt him. Alex Shephard frets that a Trump in need of so much money could be effectively putting his presidency up for sale. It’s not all bad news for Trump, however: Matt Ford reckons that the defamation case he’s planning to file against ABC News might have legs. Elsewhere, Ana Marie Cox explains how the two top Republicans in Texas have used personal vendettas to nudge the state GOP further to the fringes. Melissa Gira Grant explains why "Restore Roe" is not the banner to rally around. And Grace Segers takes stock of President Joe Biden’s plan to become the "housing president"—and whether his ideas will deliver on that promise.
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